In a troubling turn of events, the leadership of the National Assembly has effectively dismantled nearly two years of painstaking work undertaken by its Joint Committees on Electoral Matters.
On 13 February 2024, the Senate and House Committees on Electoral Matters held their first joint public engagement – a retreat in Lagos convened with support from the Policy and Legal Advocacy Centre (PLAC). That retreat marked the formal commencement of a reform process intended to address the widely acknowledged shortcomings of Nigeria’s 2023 General Elections and to lay a credible legal foundation for the 2027 polls.
At that retreat and in subsequent consultations, the Joint Committees committed to:
- Broad stakeholder engagement across political parties, civil society, the media, INEC officials, and development partners;
- Receiving and reviewing public submissions on areas requiring reform;
- Studying lessons learned from the 2023 elections; and
- Incorporating recommendations from domestic and international election observers into a strengthened Electoral Act.
The reform process was deliberate, consultative, and technically grounded. It inspired public confidence that Nigeria was on course to enact a more credible and future-ready electoral framework.
That promise has now been severely undermined.
Following internal alterations by the Senate and the rapid assent by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, what has emerged is a significantly altered version of the Joint Committee Bill—one that departs materially from the consensus reached after months of technical deliberations and public consultation.
What the Joint Committees Originally Proposed
The Joint Committee Bill contained several progressive and reform-oriented provisions, including:
1. Legal Backing for Electronic Transmission of Results
Amendment
to Section 60(3) to expressly provide for the use of BVAS to
transmit electronic copies of polling unit results to INEC’s legally recognized
Result Viewing Portal (IReV).
This was intended to cure ambiguities exposed in post-election litigation and
strengthen transparency.
2. Clear Framework for Party Primaries
Retention of both direct
and indirect primaries, while allowing either process to produce a
consensus candidate.
This preserved flexibility for political parties while maintaining structured
procedural safeguards.
3. Extended Notice of Election Timeline
A 360-day notice period to enable INEC undertake procurement, logistics planning, training, and voter education well ahead of elections.
4. Judicial Efficiency and Cost Reduction
An innovative provision empowering courts to return the lawful runner-up as winner where a declared winner is found constitutionally disqualified- thereby reducing costly and disruptive re-run elections.
These proposals reflected lessons from 2023 and aligned with stakeholder demands for clarity, predictability, and transparency.
What Changed
The Senate leadership introduced substantial alterations that diluted key reform provisions:
Electronic Transmission Weakened
The
clear obligation to transmit polling unit results electronically was qualified
by a broad proviso allowing abandonment of electronic transmission in cases of
“network failure.”
This effectively reintroduces uncertainty and creates a loophole capable of
undermining transparency.
Party Primaries Altered
The option of indirect primaries was deleted, and the framework for direct primaries was weakened, leaving procedural ambiguity in candidate selection processes.
Notice of Election Reduced
The 360-day notice period was shortened to 300 days, reportedly on grounds relating to religious considerations – an argument without precedent in Nigeria’s electoral history and one that risks complicating INEC’s operational planning.
Cost-Saving Judicial Reform Removed
The provision empowering courts to return the lawful runner-up was deleted, restoring the likelihood of expensive and destabilising re-run elections.
Institutional Implications
The Joint Committees conducted nationwide consultations, engaged technical experts, and produced a Bill widely regarded as responsive to citizens’ expectations. The House of Representatives passed that version in December 2025.
However, the Senate’s subsequent alterations – followed by swift presidential assent – have raised significant concerns about legislative coherence, institutional respect for committee processes, and adherence to consultative reform principles.
The speed with which assent was granted – reportedly within hours of passage – has further fueled public debate about the motivations behind the amendments.
At stake is not merely the content of an Electoral Act, but the credibility of Nigeria’s law-making process. When a legislature disowns the product of its own joint committee – after extensive public engagement – it risks weakening public trust in both electoral reform and parliamentary procedure.
Conclusion
Electoral reform is not a partisan exercise; it is a constitutional responsibility. The 2027 General Elections demand clarity, certainty, and public confidence.
The dismantling of core elements of the Joint Committee Bill represents a missed opportunity to consolidate lessons from 2023 and strengthen Nigeria’s democratic architecture.
As Nigeria approaches another electoral cycle, sustained vigilance from citizens, civil society, and institutional actors will be necessary to ensure that the spirit of reform is not permanently subordinated to expediency.